
From H.A. Harben, A Dictionary of London,
1918, p.463.
The folkmoot, or "meeting of the people", was an ancient institution
having judicial and legislative functions; outlawries were promulgated
there. As a general assembly of the community it was a source of authority
for local government, and an outlet for the voice of the community or of
individual members of that community. But as the meeting-place of a
potentially unruly crowd, with little scope for democratic discussion
decisions likely being reached on a "loudest shout" principle it
was also susceptible to manipulation. Practical government came
increasingly to focus on the husting, the prime venue for legal disputes
of a private nature; the husting could meet more frequently (weekly), under
a roof and within walls that could not accommodate much of a crowd.
The site of the London folkmoot lay in what would later be the northeast
corner of St. Paul's churchyard (more extensive than it is now),
close to the food markets of Cornmarket and Cheapside, which was then
the effective nucleus of the city, and perhaps to a royal palace. It
is not known if this location was chosen for proximity to the church, a
reminder of the need to act honestly before God, or whether the cathedral
was built nearby because it was a spacious open area, such as an assembly
of many hundreds of people would require. The earliest version of
the cathedral dates back to the early seventh century, but the moot
could have been at least as old. As part of their claims of the ancient
origins of London, associated with legendary figures, the citizens
attributed the folkmoot to Arthur.
The building shown in the illustration above was that constructed during
the two centuries following the Conquest, and was destroyed in the
Great Fire of London. The ringing of the bells of St. Paul's served
to summon Londoners to folkmoots three times a year; in pre-Conquest
times it may have met more frequently, at need. A High Cross was
erected in the churchyard near the folkmoot site and became a platform
for preachers to the citizenry, then and later as the Tudor event
depicted above shows. The stone cross shown in the illustration was a
replacement put up in 1449, but the elaborate building surrounding it
was post-medieval.

The site of the London folkmoot in St. Paul's
churchyard remains a popular gathering place.
Photo © S. Alsford
In the context of the baronial opposition to King John that led
to Magna Carta, the city (supporting the barons) drew up an outline of
its own demands, apparently intending to seek a royal charter granting
more detailed clauses. Some of London's demands involved it flexing
its muscle, such as by insisting the king not impose any tallage without
agreement of both kingdom and city; others may have been intended to
revoke restrictions of liberties the city had held in the past. Also on
the list was the requirement that the mayor be elected annually in
the folkmoot; this may reflect political differences, even a power
struggle, internal to the London community. The office of mayor appeared
about the time that London had obtained from Prince John, in return for
its support, the grant of a commune (a status implying increased power and
independence). King John's charter of May 1215 now gave clear
official recognition to the city's right to elect a mayor each year.
As time went on, the aldermen came to monopolize the election of the
mayor and, in 1258, the king as part of an ongoing campaign
aimed at reasserting royal authority over London harnessed growing
popular resentment at the conservative turn the commune had taken. He
instituted an enquiry into the patriciate's government, and his
representative summoned successive folkmoots to obtain community approval
for prosecution of the aldermen, succeeding in breaking the faction resisting
the king. Just a few years later this reawakening of the folkmoot, as a
vehicle for expression of community will, worked against the king, when
it was used by the Montfortian party to arouse support for their demands
for reform of royal government. The husting and aldermannic government
were set aside and the populace, led by a revolutionary mayor, governed
through the folkmoot and reasserted control of the mayoral election.
This situation did not outlive the aftermath of Evesham.
During the middle decades of the thirteenth century, up to 1272,
the folkmoot continued to have some claim, in the context of political
factionalism within the city, as the venue for mayoral elections,
sometimes when politicians sought to harness people power to obtain or
maintain power, or sometimes when the king wanted to win support against
the city rulers. Apart from its brief periods of glory in the context of
revolution, however, the folkmoot's thrice-yearly formal meetings
compulsory for those who were within the sound of the summoning bell
of St. Pauls, unless they were prepared to pay a hefty fine had
been reduced to essentally routine functions: public acknowledgement
of new sheriffs elected in September; provision (in December) for the
ward-based policing of the city; and, when the hot days of summer rolled
around, public declaration of regulations regarding fire prevention.
Most public business had been transferred to the husting court. It
was already in the process of being transferred again, to the
newer institutions of the courts of mayor and sheriffs. Thirteen years
after the folkmoot had been put to the king's use in 1272, Edward I
condemned the area around St. Paul's including the folkmoot
site as a haunt of ne'er-do-wells. He turned it over to St. Paul's
to enclose as part of the churchyard; some of the folkmoot site
was subsequently built over.
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