The Men Behind the Masque:
Office-holding in East Anglian boroughs, 1272-1460
[contents]
CHAPTER 2
The Social and Economic Background of Office-holders
Notes (1)
1 Gross, op.cit., I, 74.
2 For discussion of the influence of Christian philosophy
see S. Thrupp, "Social control in the medieval town," Journal of
Economic History, supplement no.1 (1941), 39-52; R. Roover,
"The concept of the just price: theory and economic policy," Journal
of Economic History, XVIII (1958), 418-34; J. Baldwin,
"The medieval merchant before the bar of canon law," Papers of the
Michigan Academy of Science, Arts and Letters, XLIV (1959), 287-99.
3 This is of course a generalisation which cannot reflect
the subtleties of economic fluctuation. See R. Dobson, "Urban decline
in late medieval England," Transactions of the Royal Historical
Society, 5th series, XXVII (1977), 1-22, for a recent evaluation.
4 Appendix II, table 1.
5 J. Patten, "Urban occupations in pre-industrial England,"
Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, new series,
II (1977), 296-313; with modifications suggested to me by David
Wykes. For an example of the traditional analysis, see Glover,
op.cit., 27-28, 210.
6 E. Power, The Wool Trade in English Medieval
History, (Oxford, 1941), 3.
7 In my analysis chandlers have been considered artisans
unless there is direct evidence of mercantile activity. Corn-chandlers,
who are rather called "cornmen" in the sources, have been taken as
merchants.
8 Manucaptors and essoining agents may also have had a
touch of professionalism.
9 Dogget rolls 17-38 Hen.VI m.7r, 4-5, 5-6 Ed.IV passim;
IC/AA2/2 f.261; C.Cl.R. 1461-68, 357; W. Haward, "Gilbert Debenham:
a medieval rascal in real life," History, XIII (1929), 305-06.
10 E122/50/11; E179/242/40; G.C.R. 8-9 Ed.I m.4r; P.P.R.
32-33 Ed.I m.5r. See S. Alsford, "Thomas le Rente: a medieval town
ruler," Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology and
History, XXXV (1982), 105-115.
11 Stowe Mss. 834 f.64, 841 f.35; Morant, op.cit.,
47; Col.C.R., I, passim.
12 KL/C39/37; E122/93/31; E122/94/12-14.
13 KL/C7/2 f.100; KL/C7/3 f.270b; KL/C7/4 ff.51b, 200;
E122/96/35, 40, 41; E122/97/8.
14 KL/C5/2 m.8r; Red Red. f.177b; J.I.1/612/2 m.6r;
Cal.Inq.Misc. 1307-49, 250, 366-67.
15 KL/C37/3 m.1r; KL/Roll of wages; Red Reg. ff.87b-89;
C.Cl.R. 1339-41, 167; C.F.R. 1337-47, 155-56.
16 Or whose activities indicate them to be so. Unfortunately
the title 'merchant' was rather freely applied and on occasion may be
deceptive or even undeserved; the evidence is not sufficient to permit
further breakdown of the merchant category according to scale of
trading activity.
17 It is important to bear in mind that these proportions
do not mirror those of the urban populations as a whole. Glover's
(op.cit., 210) analysis of Lynn entrants to the franchise
1420-51 indicates just over 20% mercantile, whilst almost 50% unknown.
18 Although Britnell, op.cit., 477, has demonstrated
that in Colchester there was some change of character in the
office-holding class after 1349.
19 W. Hudson, "Norwich and Yarmouth in 1332: their
comparative prosperities," Norfolk Archaeology, XVI (1907),
178-80; N. Gras, The Early English Customs System, (Cambridge,
1918), 115.
20 Cal.Inq.Misc. 1348-77, 5; Ballard and Tait, op.cit.,
119. As we shall see, the townsmen's claim was not entirely true.
21 See Saul, op.cit., 213, and passim for discussions
of the role of shipping in Yarmouth's history (summarised in his
paper in Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research,
LII (1979), 105-15).
22 C.P.R. 1313-30, passim; C.Cl.R. 1307-22, passim; C.F.R.
1356-83, passim; Rot.Parl., II, 327-28; H. Smit, Bronnen tot de
Geschiedenis van den handel met Engeland, Schotland en Ierland,
1150-1485, ('S-Gravenhage, 1928), I, 125; N. Kerling, Commercial
Relations of Holland and Zeeland with England from the Late 13th
Century to the Close of the Middle Ages, (Leiden, 1954), 12-13,
92-93.
23 C.P.R. 1327-61, passim; C.Cl.R. 1337-39, 148, 1343-49,
passim, 1349-54, 99; C.F.R. 1337-47, passim, 1356-68, 287;
KL/C5/2 m.7r. An account of the careers of these men could occupy
a chapter in itself. Note that, although an important member,
Melcheburn was only titular head of the company,
William de la Pole
secretly being the controlling force; G. Sayles, "The 'English Company'
of 1343," Speculum, VI (1931), passim; T. Lloyd, The English
Wool Trade in the Middle Ages, (Cambridge, 1977), 198.
24 G. Morey, East Anglian Society in the Fifteenth
Century, (London, PhD thesis, 1951), 286.
25 C.P.R. 1408-13, 442, 1422-29, 510.
26 Linen and canvas being the only significant imported
cloths.
27 Meech and Allen, op.cit., 59, 373-74.
28 Records of Norwich, II, 289-90.
29 Add.Ms. 37791 f.58; KL/C4/10; C.P.R. 1301-07, 280;
Records of Norwich, I, 61, 66.
30 Red Parch. Bk., 33; Wilkinson, op.cit., 33.
31 Thrupp, "Social control in the medieval town," 41;
Colby, op.cit., 652; Green, op.cit., II, 250-52;
Saul, op.cit., 9, 10, 26; Martin, Borough and Merchant
Community of Ipswich, 148; Platt, op.cit., 119.
32 Meyer, op.cit., XVIII, 420-21; Hammer,
op.cit., 12-14.
33 Thomas Halle draper, Thomas Carter draper, Thomas
Ponde chandler.
34 See Reynolds, op.cit., 74-80, 137-39, for
criticism of this assumption.
35 We shall delve further into these subjects in
chapter 4.
36 E179/180/6 m.30d; I/C1/2/4; I/C2/25/2; E40/3633, 3819;
S. Hervey, ed., Suffolk in 1327. Being a Subsidy Return,
(Woodbridge, 1906), 9, 17, 18, 158; J. Davies, "An assembly of
wool merchants in 1322," E.H.R., XXXI (1916), 605.
37 C.Cl.R. 1374-77, 137.
38 E179/180/11 m.16r.
39 Holdings in the common fields within or immediately
surrounding the walled boroughs and suburbs have not been included
in these calculations.
40 Feet of Fines, Essex, III, 148, 178, 183; Britnell,
op.cit., 499.
41 Britnell, op.cit., 120, 352, 440-41, 470;
Feet of Fines, Essex, III, 39, 108; C.P.R. 1361-64, 291; Col.C.R.,
II, passim; Red Parch. Bk., 46, 212.
42 Britnell, op.cit., 441-43; Feet of Fines,
Essex, III, 54, 63; C.P.R. 1348-50, 79.
43 Red Parch. Bk., 85, 106-09; Col.C.R./37 m.31d, /41 m.2d,
/45 mm.2r, 39r, /49 m.5r, /56 m.19d; Cal.Anc.Deeds, III, 472;
Feet of Fines, Essex, III, 236, 245.
44 See chapter 5.
45 P.P.R. 21-23 Hen. VI passim; IC/AA2/1 f.152;
I/C9/10/1 m.3r; Dogget Roll 5-6 Ed.IV mm.2r, 4r; N.C.C. Jekkys f.2;
Wedgwood, History of Parliament: Biographies, 11, 269; C.Cl.R. 1435-41, 47, 107; C.F.R. 1430-37, 331.
46 Britnell, op.cit., 437ff., 494-96, 500-01.
47 Saul, op.cit., 217-20, 228-30.
48 Valuations in inquisitions ad quod damnum are too
often estimates, incomplete or erroneous.
49 H. Pirenne, Medieval Cities: Their Origins and the
Revival of Trade, (Princeton, 1952), ch.5; R. Lopez, "An
aristocracy of money in the early Middle Ages," Speculum,
XXVIII (1953), 1-43; A. Hibbert, "The origins of the medieval town
patriciate," Past and Present, III (1953), no.3, 15-27. See
also Reynolds, op.cit., ch.4, and S. Reynolds, "The rulers of
London in the twelfth century," History, LVII (1972), 346-47;
Tait, op.cit., ch.5.
50 On this see Martin, "English borough in the thirteenth
century," and M. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England
1066-1307, (London, 1979).
51 None of the Norwich mint officials elected in 1243,
probably by a local electoral committee of 24 as in 1248, are among
the city bailiffs of that period. H. Hall, ed., The Red Book of
the Exchequer, (London, 1896), III, 1076; C.Cl.R. 1247-51, 107;
W. Hudson, "A revised list of the bailiffs of the city of Norwich,"
Norfolk Archaeology, XI (1892), 241-46.
52 J. Round, "The domesday of Colchester," The
Antiquary, V, espec. p.248, VI, espec. p.5; G. Rickword, "Taxations
of Colchester, A.D. 1296 and 1301," Trans. E.A.S., IX (1903-05),
146.
53 Tait, op.cit., 73-74; Britnell, op.cit.,
403-04, 408-12.
54 Reynolds, English Medieval Towns, ix.
55 The Colchester taxations, preserved by Morant, are
transcribed in Rot.Parl., I, 228-38, 245-65; that of Ipswich survives
as E179/242/40, 42, and has been printed by E. Powell, "The taxation
of Ipswich for the Welsh war in 1282," Proceedings of the Suffolk
Institute of Archaeology, XII (1906), 137-57.
56 Britnell, op.cit., 446-47; E179/107/12 mm.4r,
4d, 14r; C.P.R. 1313-17, 607; Feet of Fines, Essex, II, 173, 219, 237.
57 Feet of Fines, Essex, II, 105; Red Parch. Bk. 47, 213;
Campbell ix, 4; Britnell, op.cit., 452-53.
58 Col.C.R., I, 11-12, 31, 32, 47, IV, 182; Col.C.R./31 m.8d,
/41 m.2d; Colch.Ms. 57 ff.179-80; Britnell, op.cit., 448-51.
59 Stowe Mss. 834 f.64, 841 f.35; Morant, op.cit., 47;
Col.C.R., I, 9; E179/107/12 m.7r; C.P.R. 1334-38, 382; C143/243/12;
C143/245/9.
60 Col.C.R., I, 55, 161.
61 Colch.Ms. 57 ff.26, 239; Col.C.R., I, passim;
C.P.R. 1321-24, 389; Cal. Plea Rolls, Exchequer of Jews, II, 235;
Britnell, op.cit., 447, 460.
62 C143/245/9; Col.C.R., I, 11-12.
63 Stowe Ms. 841 f.35. The last two Christian names are
sufficiently uncommon to warrant this hypothesis.
64 G.C.R. 8-9 Ed.I m.4r; P.P.R. 15-16 Ed.I(b) m.8r,
32-33 Ed.I m.5r; E179/242/40; E122/50/11; C143/147/16; CP25(1)/59/2;
CP25(1)/60/27.
65 S. Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London,
1300-1500, (Michigan, 1948), 121; E179/242/42.
66 E179/242/42; E40/3312; W. Hunt, ed., Two Rentals of
the Priory of the Holy Trinity in Ipswich, (Ipswich, 1847), 6, 7;
G.C.R. 54-56 Hen.III m.6r, 11-12 Ed.I m.6r.
67 E40/3294, 3417, 3548, 3730, 3848; White Domesday f.70b;
Black Domesday ff.77, 86b.
68 E40/3393, 3848, 3852, 3853; Curia Regis Rolls 1187-1201,
314; C.P.R. 1216-25, 480, 485.
69 E40/3283, 3730, 3732, 3776; E179/242/42; C.Cl.R. 1227-31,
239, 407; C.F.R. 1199-1216, 336, 360; C.P.R. 1225-32, 17.
70 E179/242/42; E40/3919; Curia Regis Rolls 1230-32, 525;
Hunt, op.cit., 5; P.P.R. 31-32 Ed.I m.12d; G.C.R. 19-20 Ed.III
m.2r.
71 On this see McKinley, op.cit., ch.1.
72 Col.C.R. I, x-xi; S. Moore, ed., Cartularium Monasterii
sancti Johannis Baptiste de Colecestria, (London, 1897), II, 505,
671; C.P.R. 1251-53, 453, 463, 1281-92, 445; C.Ch.R. 1257-1300, 55;
Abbreviatio Placitorum, 131; Britnell, op.cit., 454-55.
73 Abbreviatio Placitorum, 180; C.P.R. 1225-32, 373;
C.Cl.R. 1237-42, 467.
74 Matronymics, though less common than patronymics, are
not unknown, e.g. Joseph Elianore, John Aveline, Alexander Margarete.
Women had no part in office-holding, but widows sometimes continued
to operate their husbands' businesses: Sibyl Flathe, widow of merchant
and bailiff Robert Wyth of Yarmouth, is a good example; C.P.R. 1301-07,
98, 319, 1307-13, 302; C.C.W. 1244-1306, 168.
75 C.Cl.R. 1204-24, 235, 1224-27, 86, 94, 1268-72, 119-20,
188, 1288-96, 490; C.Ch.R. 1257-1300, 101, 123; C.P.R. 1216-25,
394, 1258-66, 373, 1266-72, 277, 473, 1281-92, 326, 485; C.I.P.M., I,
361; Curia Regis Rolls 1207-09, 168, 1225-26, 347; Feet of Fines,
Norfolk, 1201-15, 37; Cal. Anc. Deeds, I, 511; C. Manning,
"Wickhampton church," Norfolk Archaeology, VII (1872), 1-8.
76 C.P.R. 1201-16, 171, 1225-32, 372; Feudal Aids, V, 33, 53;
Feet of Fines, Suffolk, 105; E179/180/1; E179/242/42; E40/3668;
G.C.R. 39-40 Hen.III m.4r, 54-56 Hen.III m.1r, 16-18 Ed.I m.2r;
Hunt, op.cit., 5; Black Domesday ff.77, 78.
77 C.P.R. 1216-25, 373; Arundel Castle Mss. MD 425, 426;
H.M.C. 11th Report, appendix, part III, p.235; Le Strange,
op.cit., 232.
78 C.P.R. 1216-25, 373; Arundel Castle Mss. MD 425;
Curia Regis Rolls 1187-1201, 81; Pipe Roll 12 Hen.II, 22; Howlett,
op.cit., 45.
79 KL/C37/1 m.23d; H.M.C. 11th Report, appendix, part
III, p.235; Howlett, op.cit., 44, 60; Arundel Castle Ms. MD 426;
C.P.R. 1225-32, 293.
80 C.P.R. 1201-16, 61.